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About this sample
About this sample
Words: 790 |
Pages: 2|
4 min read
Updated: 16 November, 2024
Words: 790|Pages: 2|4 min read
Updated: 16 November, 2024
Balmès’s documentary, Babies, attempts to provide a glimpse into the first year of life in four children throughout the world. The experiences of Ponijao of Namibia, Bayar of Mongolia, Mari of Japan, and Hattie of California each served as a tool for the examination of cross-cultural similarities and differences in infants’ lives. This documentary allows viewers to reflect on universal aspects of childhood, as well as the distinct cultural practices that shape development and upbringing.
One of the largest differences observed in the film was socio-economic status. Two of the babies, Ponijao and Bayar, are from poorer countries, especially when compared to Mari and Hattie, who were born in financially wealthier countries. Although the difference in socio-economic statuses seems to be substantial, when one looks beyond the “physical” characteristics of poverty, such as the home, the city, and the toys, it becomes evident that there are more similarities than differences. For instance, all the babies examined in this film had toys to play with. Although the children from Japan and the United States had better access to modern toys and privileges, they were not blatantly happier. This observation suggests that happiness and satisfaction may be less tied to material wealth than often assumed (Balmès, 2010).
In terms of child rearing, it was evident that, with all of the babies, their mothers did all or most of the work. The babies’ fathers were either nearly non-existent, such as with the Namibian child, or did less work than their partners. Mothers seemed to be more involved in the lives of their children. This subject is more complex, however, because it is important to note that the levels of paternal involvement varied from baby to baby on a spectrum. For instance, the father from San Francisco was the most emotionally available father in the movie. Although the Japanese father spent as much time with his baby as the San Franciscan father did, he was preoccupied with the phone and television much of the time. The Mongolian and Namibian fathers were rarely available. Such variations highlight how cultural norms and expectations can influence parental roles and involvement (Balmès, 2010).
Mothers showed cultural differences in the way they reared their babies. For instance, the Namibian mother felt very comfortable allowing her baby to interact with the entire village community. This openness is understandable given the Namibian culture, which is community and family-oriented. Like the Mongolian and Japanese mothers, the Namibian mother breastfed her child. The American mother did not breastfeed her child; however, her child had two direct, fully attentive parents to compensate. These differences underscore how cultural practices are adapted to fit the social structures and values of each society (Balmès, 2010).
Although adults primarily reared children in most of the cultures examined, it is interesting to note that siblings, peers, community members, and even pets all took part in the children’s experiences as well as the entire rearing processes. This communal approach to child rearing enriches the developmental environment for children, providing them with diverse interactions and learning experiences (Balmès, 2010).
In regards to development, I noticed that some babies did certain things sooner than others. This can be shown by how the Mongolian child did not go out and explore as soon as the Namibian child. Culture can significantly influence developmental stages. For instance, the Mongolian child was wrapped up tightly and stowed away in the yurt, whereas the Namibian child was allowed to roam around within its community. Most developmental milestones happened at around the same time. For instance, they all learned how to feed at the same time, all children cried in the movie, and they all learned to walk at about the same time. All the babies learned how to say basic words and to understand more complicated patterns. There were no huge innate developmental differences from one culture to the next; most of the difference is attributed to external cultural patterns (Balmès, 2010).
In terms of attachment, I thought that all the babies examined had secure attachments because they had adequately responsive mothers. Although certain cultures attribute a safe and appropriate child-rearing environment to a specific way of life, that does not mean that another culture’s practices are invalid. I believe that the families in this movie show that successful and safe child rearing, secure attachments, and stable development can occur in a variety of cultural settings. Development and attachment seemed to be relatively stable from one culture to the next; however, child-rearing practices, many of which are culture-driven, greatly differed from one culture to the next. These differences highlight the importance of cultural context in shaping developmental outcomes (Balmès, 2010).
Although each baby comes from a very different culture, they all seem content and satisfied with life. The Namibian child does not seem upset or “harmed” because he does not have the same rearing environment as the American child. I believe this universal satisfaction is attributed to the fact that one culture’s ritual or practice may compensate for the lack of what another culture has, and vice versa. For instance, although the American child lives a modern lifestyle that offers her certain privileges, the Namibian child may reap the benefits of living, experiencing, and participating in an active community and village. These insights suggest that while cultural practices differ, the fundamental aspects of nurturing and care can lead to similar outcomes in child satisfaction and development (Balmès, 2010).
References
Balmès, T. (Director). (2010). Babies [Documentary]. Focus Features.
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