Feminist Activism, Its Types and Strategies

Introduction

In recent years, social media has become a powerful tool for activism and organizing, enabling groups like Gabriela Youth to reach wider audiences and coordinate actions more effectively. This paper seeks to explore how Gabriela Youth's activism intersects with their online presence, as well as their offline efforts. By examining the motivations of the organization and its members, we hope to gain a better understanding of what drives them to pursue their goals and how they are able to mobilize support from others. Additionally, we will investigate the target audience of Gabriela Youth and the ways in which they engage with them both online and offline. This will involve an analysis of the group's social media accounts, including their use of hashtags, memes, and other forms of online communication, as well as their physical presence at events and protests. Through this analysis, we hope to shed light on the ways in which online and offline activism can complement each other, and the challenges that come with maintaining a strong presence in both spheres. Ultimately, our goal is to provide insight into the strategies that organizations like Gabriela Youth use to effect social change, and the impact that these strategies have on their target audience and the broader community.

What is Feminism?

Providing a concrete definition of what feminism is has proved to be an impossible task. Jane Freedman argues that this is because there are different strands of feminism and may have opposing views from one another (1). However, one may attempt to determine the baseline definition of all feminisms. Freedman claims that this baseline definition may start with the assertion that all of the different feminist perspectives are concerned women’s inferior position in society and the prejudice they encounter because of their sex; she further contends that feminists call for changes in the social, economic, political or cultural order, to reduce, and eventually overcome this discrimination against women (1-2).

It is significant to note, however, that the definition of feminism we know today was merely adopted. It has been noted by Fraisse (1995) that the term ‘feminism’ was first used in 1871 in a French medical. In 1872, Alexander Dumas, a republican and anti-feminist writer, used the term ‘Feminism’ in a different context – to describe women behaving in a masculine manner (qtd. in Freedman 2). This type of gender misperception was something that was clearly feared in the nineteenth century, and Freedman argues that it is still present in a modified form in today’s societies where feminists are sometimes perceived as challenging natural differences between men and women (3).

The Different Strands of Feminism

As Freedman mentioned, it is difficult to provide a concrete definition for feminism due to the fact that the different feminist perspective may sometimes have opposing ideologies. Judith Lorber delves and discusses the twelve prominent strands of feminism. The different feminist standpoints will hopefully shed light on the ideologies that Gabriela Youth reinforces and if there are any that may overlap.

Lorber theorizes that the reason for much of the change in feminist perspectives is “the deeper probing into the pervasiveness of gender inequality (8).” She also claims that feminists and women have developed a deeper understanding of gender, sex and sexuality. Lorber grouped the feminist perspectives of the last 35 years into three categories that reflect their theories and political strategies with regard to the gendered social order. These three categories include gender reform feminisms, gender resistant feminisms, and gender revolution feminisms.

Gender Reform Feminisms

These feminist perspectives were mostly from the beginning of the second wave of feminism. Gender reform feminisms include liberal feminism, Marxist and socialist feminisms, and development feminism (9). Liberal feminism claims that gender differences are not based in biology and therefore women and men are not all that different (Lorber, 9) and deserve equal opportunities and rights. This is what most scholars call the ‘mainstream’ feminism. According to Wellington Samkange, liberal feminists are concerned with equal rights and freedom of an individual (1174). An example of this would be feminist groups fighting for equal compensation amongst men and women. A recent study conducted by Georgetown University Center in 2017 showed that men’s earnings are higher than women’s at every level of educational attainment. In fact, the graph showed that men with a bachelor’s degree earn equal or even more than women owning a master’s degree. Liberal feminists believe that if men and women are not different, then they should not be treated differently under the law, and therefore should have the same rights, and the same educational and work opportunities as men (Lorber 9).

Marxist and Socialist Feminisms, according to Lorber, examine the family as a source of women’s oppression and exploitation. If a woman works for her family in their household, she is economically dependent on her husband, much like her children. If, on the other hand, the wife works a day job, she is still expected to fulfill her domestic and maternal duties, and then ends up working twice as hard as her husband, and usually for a significantly less pay (11). Cecilia Green echoes this statement and further argues that men are primarily identified with goods production or paid public work and are only peripherally involved in child minding or domestic maintenance activities (212).

Development feminism emphasizes on the importance of education of women, maternity and child health care, and economic resource for women who contribute heavily to the support of their families (Lorber, 15). This feminist perspective also addresses the political issue of women’s rights versus national and cultural traditions. Judith Lorber cites the United Nations’ Fourth World Conference on Women Forum that was held in Beijing in 1995. The conference concluded with the condemnation of particular cultural practices that are deemed to be oppressive to women. These include infanticide, dowry, child marriage, and female genital mutilation (14).

Gender Resistant Feminisms

The gender reform feminisms progressed magnificently into the public consciousness in the 1970s and allowed women to enter the previously all-men workplaces and schools. However, as women slowly eased in the workplaces and learning institutions, they became more aware of the constant and everyday prejudice from bosses, colleagues, professors, students, and even partners and husbands “and formed into a pattern that gradually wore women down (Lorber 16).” This awareness resulted into the gender resistant feminisms of the 1970s and which include two of the talked about gender resistant feminisms, radical feminism and lesbian feminism. Gender resistant feminisms generally view patriarchy and sexism as the most elemental factor in women’s oppression – cutting across all others from race and age to culture, caste and class (insert in-text citation).

Radical Feminism has been concerned with all forms of oppression which affect the life changes and human dignity of women (Thompson 133). Radical feminists claim that patriarchy is the primary cause of women’s oppression and could be difficult to eradicate its root is deeply embedded in most men’s consciousness (Lorber 16). The oppression of women, radical feminists have argued, provided the model for all other forms of oppression because it happened first in human history. Women were the first social group to be enslaved. Once men learned that other human beings, namely women, could be enslaved, they applied that model to other groups of men (Thompson 133). One may confuse radical feminism and associate it with misandry or the hatred of or contempt for men or boys. Jone Lewis, however, states that radical feminism opposes patriarchy not men, “and to equate radical feminism to man-hating is to assume that patriarchy and men are inseparable, philosophically and politically (“What is Radical Feminism”).”

Lesbian feminists assert that heterosexuality functioned as an institution that supported male supremacy and female subordination. Moreover, lesbian feminists claim that lesbian individuals and relationships presented a profound challenge to the social and economic order given the central importance of heterosexuality and marriage to the maintenance of male supremacy. Additionally, lesbian feminists also claim that lesbians exemplified women’s liberation, demonstrating the personal, economic, and sexual independence that feminists believed all women should possess (“Lesbian Femnism” Encyclopedia Britannica)

Feminists – regardless of the perspectives and ideologies they support – all around the globe are performing different forms of activism everyday. In the Philippines, “Malaya,” a campaign against victim blaming, recently organized an assembly and had different speakers discuss about abuse on women and the different forms of victim blaming. Students were also given a chance to perform their spoken word poetry about the issue. A month ago, the world celebrated the International Women’s day and in honor of women around the globe, Gabriela and Gabriela Youth, marched along the main streets of metro manila, Tacloban, and Mindanao. And in an international level, every year, thousands of citizens around the globe march along side one another for the annual Women’s March. Indeed, activism (not just feminist activism) is and has been present in our lives.

Joyce’s study, Activism Success: A Concept Explication, she tries to define and create a conceptual definition of activism and activism success based on different measurements and existing literature and ultimately came to a conclusion that activism is “an effort that seeks to change or prevent change to the status quo in order to improve or protect the welfare of some threatened or disadvantaged beneficiary, using methods not limited to prescribed and conventional means of influencing antagonists (Joyce 76).” In the case of feminist activism, feminists have been trying, for more than a century, to fight the injustices towards women, and improve how women are treated in the workplace, in learning institutions, and in society in general through different forms including, but no limited to protests or street demonstrations, petitions, and boycotts.

Using Joyce’s definition of activism, what exactly are the activities/methods used by organizations and individuals to attempt to influence change?

Baumgardner and Richards, have cited the prominent forms of activism (155). The first is activist training which takes a group of passionate and interested individuals and preparing them with tools in which to organize protests or recruit more members into an organization (insert int-ext sitation). Case in point, Amnesty International released an “activist toolkit” for individuals who may show interest in activism or may want to start their own campaigns. Amnesty International’s 50-page document gives detailed information on the need-to-knows on activism and being an activist and covers everything from the basics of recruiting potential members, participating in online activism, promotion of campaigns, to being an effective speaker (Amnesty International USA).

The second form of activism is the boycott of a specific product or commodity. Friedman defines boycott as an attempt by an individual or an organization to achieve a specific goal by convincing consumers to avoid purchasing certain products or services (Friedman 97).

Canvassing, or known as door-to-door canvassing, has been one of the notable forms of activism. According to WRAP’s step-by-step guide on canvassing, this method can be used effectively to raise awareness,

Petitions are formal requests for action addressed to specific persons of authority, a specific governmental sector, or even the management of a private entity. Petitions are primarily focused on a specific issue and are created by a concerned individual or a group of individuals whose aim is to collect as many signatures as they can within a period of time (Polyas.com). Each signature denotes an individual’s support for the petition. An example of a popular petition, albeit via created online, is the petition to prevent then-newly elected US President Donald Trump from making a state visit to the United Kingdom. The petition was posted on the petition page of the UK Government and Parliament and has garnerd 1.8 million e-signatures. Should a petition get 100,000 signatures, it will be considered for debate in the Parliament (petitions.parliament.uk).

Protests, or demonstrations, according to Dalton, are “direct-action techniques of confronting political elites, instead of participating within a framework defined by elites (59)” and can be concentrated on certain political or social issues. In the case of feminist activism, there have been numerous recorded street demonstrations through the course of our history that have affected and improved societies’ views on women – notable feminist protests in history include: women’s suffrage parade in Washington DC, 1913 which resulted to women being granted the right to vote (Cohen, The White House) and the Icelandic women’s strike in 1975 or also known as the “Woman’s Day Off”, wherein 90% of the women in Iceland went on a strike and refused to work, cook, and look after their children (Brewer, BBC News).

Essential Components of Activism

Mohamed Taib argues that to develop a more meaningful experience of activism, two important elements must always be present (3). First, campaigns must always have a sense of historical mission. This means that one must be aware that the present condition of a society is shaped by historical events and that actions and decisions made in the present will affect the future (3). Ultimately, one can argue that radical feminists having been trying to disrupt the status quo because they are aware that the current position of women in society is a result of decades of constant discrimination against their gender, and that through activism, they hope to affect the future status of women, and hopefully attain equality.

The second important component of activism is a genuine concern for people (3). Taib argues empathy is an important attribute in campaign or movement and that activists cannot truly and effectively confront societal problems without experiencing the challenges, sufferings and the joys of the group of marginalized people they wish to help and making a sincere effort in understanding the “mechanics of society and the processes of social change (4).” One cannot be an effective feminist activist without understanding and empathizing with the everyday struggles of women – catcalling, victim-blaming, rape culture, and discrimination among others. One must also understand the essence of feminism and what perspective one stands by.

How are Individuals Motivated to Participate?

The Self-Determination Theory (SDT), explores what motivates people and “moves them into action (Deci & Ryan 486).” Edward Deci and Richard Ryan, the proponents of this theory, suggest that there are two different types of motivation. The first is autonomous motivation which describes what an individual is doing when he or she is feeling a full sense of willingness and choice. Individuals who are autonomously or intrinsically motivated tend to “endorse what they are doing because they find it interesting or enjoyable, or consistent with their deeply held values (Deci & Ryan 486).”

One can argue that individuals participate in feminist protests because they consider themselves feminists and they value gender equality and believe that everyone, regardless of their gender and their preference, should be granted equal opportunities and rights under the law, in the workplace, in health institutions, and in learning institutions.

The “Other” Motivation of Activism

But what happens when an organization and its members have lost its purpose, its sense of historical mission, its genuine concern for people? Sarah Sobieraj theorizes that some organizations are more focused and motivated by gaining visibility – this means that their primary concern is attaining media coverage. Sobieraj further argues that there have been instances wherein organizations would train their volunteers how to answer interviews should a journalist ask for one, organize press conferences, and even go as extreme as break the laws of state, all for the hope of gaining the media’s attention (17). However, Sobrieraj claims that this hunger for publicity not only fails, but also affects the organization itself detrimentally; because the marketing strategy of the organization is solely tailored for the news media, members find it difficult to establish rapport with ordinary citizens who might be interested in their cause. Often times, Sobrieraj found it insincere and dishonest (17).

With Sobieraj’s contention on media-centered activism, she questions the motivations of these organizations for holding protests (both offline and online). This study was echoed by Jackie Smith et al. They contend that protesters are ultimately interested in shaping the agenda-building process by helping define how issues are framed in the mass media. These activists often rely on street protests to attract media attention that might further their aims and amplify their issues on social agendas (7-8).

Sobieraj and Smith’s contention is anchored on the second type of motivation in the Self-determination theory, the controlled or extrinsic motivation, which argues that an individual’s behavior is motivated by incentives and rewards such as money, fame, and praise among others (Cherry, Very Well Mind). In the case Sobieraj’s contention, organizations are extrinsically motivated by the possibility of media coverage which organization heads and members deem as their reward for active participation.

Online Activism

Offline feminist activism has, time and time again, proved itself by disturbing the status quo through the different forms of activism. However, the dawn of the internet as also proved itself is efficient in aiding and mobilizing offline activism. Online activism is not an uncommon phenomenon. In early 2018, approximately 8.5 billion of the world’s population have direct access to the internet, specifically through their mobile phones, and to the different social media websites (GSMA Intelligence). Liu Ting noted that the concept of online activism or “cyberactivism” is used to describe social movements that occur in the virtual world which demand social and cultural change (95). Similarly, Vegh defines cyberactivism as “a politically motivated movement relying on the Internet (71-72).” Likewise, Ethan Zuckerman coined the term “participatory civics” to refer to forms of civic engagement that use the digital media its core component and further claims that millennials are known to be more active in participating in online activism than any other generation (156). It is important to define, as well, the definition of ‘digital media’ as this will determine the scope of media texts included in this study. Sarita Nayyar defines ‘digital media’ as products and services that are produced and created by the media, entertainment and information industries, and its subsectors. It also includes digital platforms, such as websites and mobile applications that enable users to generate their own digitized content, including text, audio, video, and images that can be accessed and consumed through different digital devices (i.e., smartphones, tablets, and laptops among others) (5).

With the gathered definitions, the terms online activism, cyberactivism, and participatory civics will be used interchangeably throughout the course of this study.

The Various Forms of Online Activism

Similar to offline activism, there various forms of online activism that online users can engage in. Guobin Yang found that the most common forms of online activism include online petitions and hosting of campaign and fundraising websites, such as causes.com, gogetfunding.com, and indiegogo.com (34) wherein internet users may join and donate money to specific causes, such as earthquake and/or landslide survivors, cancer patients, or to nonprofit organizations. As previously mentioned, the website of the Parliamentary of the UK has a section specifically for petitions of its citizen. Government authorities will address petitions with 10,000 and above e-signature, whilst petitions with 100,000 e-signatures will be debated in the Parliamentary. There are also websites that are specifically designed and dedicated to be sources of “how to” knowledge about protests. netsquared.org and mobileactive.org are examples of websites where individuals can gain information and increase their knowledge on offline civic engagement (Earl and Kimport 226) and possibly guide citizens on how to conduct street protests. Social media websites have also been popular in recruiting members and aiding in mobilizing physical protests. In fact, Amnesty International (amnesty.org), a global movement of more than 7 million people, have been encouraging local groups to utilize social media websites, such as Facebook and Twitter, to recruit new members, gain more supporter for their cause, organize research studies, campaigns, and even physical protests. Jessalyn Keller also found in her study that personal blogs such as Tumblr have been used as a form of activism, especially for millennial women (264); and likewise, Askanius analyzed how YouTube has been used in various political protests since its inception (16). However, the act of hacking a website is considered to be the one of the most radical forms of online protest according to Yang (33).

Why is Online Activism Appealing?

But what exactly causes certain groups utilize online platforms? What makes cyberactivism appealing to engage in? Chase and Mulvenon found that in China, the mobilization of [street] protests and other activities have proven to be difficult and have discovered that the expression in cyberspace is easier to achieve than in the physical world. One could argue that social media websites have allowed online users to share their opinions, stories, and experiences on a more personal and detailed level and share it with a wider audience. Political and social organizations in China have embraced and utilized the opportunities offered by the internet to organize and communicate with each other and specially to draw support from a global network of activists and non-government organizations (Chase & Mulvenon 3).

According to Bart Cammaerts, the advent of Web 2.0 and broadband infrastructures have “increased opportunities for immediate real-time online interaction (3)” which means that recruiting potential members, expanding the organization’s networks, and sharing information from around the nation and/or the world has never been this easier and convenient. Moreover, social media sites may lower transaction costs of participation. Ads on digital platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube is considerably cheaper and efficient than television and radio ads. This in turn, may possibly increase recruitment rate and guarantee the retention of recruits and the organization itself. Social media websites may also increase the ability of social movements to organize across borders on a transnational level. Facebook groups, ads, and events may aid campaign organizers in organizing a street demonstration or a street theater, or even planning a boycott. Cassie Clark also supports these arguments and further adds that activists utilize and rely on digital platforms such as Facebook, Tumblr, and Twitter to boost the visibility of their texts and provide greater exposure both to like-minded individuals and the broader public (44).

Mobile phones, tablets, and social media sites played an extremely crucial role in organizing protests against the controversial burial of former president and dictator, Ferdinand E. Marcos. As an alumna of St. Scholastica’s College, Manila, I have witnessed how our alumni utilized the functions of a Facebook group to organize their own protest in front of the campus gates. This proves Cammaertes claim that there has been not only an extensive change in political communication and mobilization, but the use of social media and mobile devices significantly lowers the cost and increases the efficiency of mobilization and coordination (5). Zuckerman claims that practitioners of cyberactivism, have the need to to see their impact on the issues they are trying to influence (156). This is due to the fact that most of these participants are millennials and have grown up with participatory media, such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, YouTube, and blogs where they are used to being able to share their opinions and views with the world, and to seeing their influence in terms of how many people read, like, and share their thoughts.

How do Feminist groups/individuals utilize the internet for Online Activism?

Most modern feminist groups and individuals have embraced the use of digital spaces to conduct significant forms of feminist activism. Liu Ting, in her article, discussed how cyberactivism in feminist movements came about in Hong Kong and in China. She further explained how the internet facilitates and maintains these kinds of movements. The concept of women’s movement had a negative connotation in both China and Hong Kong from the 1980s to the late 1990s – the country did not support feminism, and even more surprising, women refused to have their names linked to the tag ‘feminist (268).’ Fortunately, women in both places still managed to challenge dominant discourses on women and gender issues by establishing groups, organizations, networks, and activities on their own initiative (97). In 2005, many found that the internet could be a possible space for the revival of the demand for women’s rights (98). Ting surveyed several women’s organizations from Hong Kong, Beijing, and Shaanxi that were established before the rise of the internet and found that these organizations have also created their own websites. The main objectives of these websites are to disseminate the concept, activities, and previous works of these organizations, to let more charities understand the advantages, needs, achievements, and work skills of the different organizations, and to seek for more cooperation opportunities and funding from other local and global organizations and individuals (101). Ting found that these websites were mainly established to expand the networks of these feminist groups. Similarly, in the Philippines, Gabriela’s website shows the organizations latest activities, achievements, protests, and inspirational talks, and volunteer activities. Evidently, these organizations have chosen to establish and to invest in websites because of its capability to reach audiences in a global scale.

In Jessalynn Keller’s study on girl’s blogs as spaces for modern feminist activism, she found that women, mostly college millennials, use blogs as a space for feminist activism. Using content analysis and in-depth interview, Keller discovered that these bloggers chose blogging as a form of modern activism because it is accessible to them in their everyday lives, hence making it more desirable to participate in feminism (265). She further discovered the blogging has been the top choice for these young women to influence and raise awareness on feminist issues that matter, such as discrimination in the workplace. A respondent explained that blogging has been their vehicle when they are physically unable to participate in street protests or when they are financially incapable of donating to a worthy feminist charity, and more importantly, these blogs have been a safe space for women around the world to make them feel secure and that they are not alone in their struggles.

Ni Una Menos, is a campaign that started in Argentina in 2015. It is a protest led by feminists and women against femicide or the killings of women because of her gender (UN Women, 2017). In Polly Terzian’s study of the Ni Una Menos movement, she found that the “micro-blogging” website and mobile application, Twitter, played an essential role in the mobilization of Ni Una Menos. What is more interesting to note is that in the first quarter of said year, organizers have tried to mobilize the campaign via Facebook, which was considered to be more popular in Argentina during that year (39), however, it was only when the campaign was disseminated through Twitter, in May 2015, that the hashtag #NiUnaMenos and the entire campaign went viral. And in just a month after, the first #NoUnaMenos street demonstration gathered more than 300,000 in front of the National Congress of Argentina and in other major cities around the country (Friedman & Tabbush 4). This shows that social media websites are not just merely repositories of the thoughts and opinions of individuals, but are also capable of avalanching into something that could possibly impact a nation, or even the world.

The internet facilitates the efforts of these feminist groups (and possibly other social and political group as well), to spread information about the different causes, increase the public’s awareness on certain socio-political issues, and also aid in organizing offline activism. Digital public spheres are constantly evolving, and have allowed users to also evolve from being spectators to being active participants, allowing users to engage in intellectual discourses and inflict change.

Is Online Activism “Real?”

Like offline activism, however, scholars have debated and critiqued if online activism can, in fact, make an impact in our society and disturb the status quo. Although there is no denying the importance and the impact of the internet in civic engagement, there have been debates on whether or not online activism is to be considered as “real” civic engagement due to the lack of risk of violence and/or arrest. Malcom Gladwell challenges the concept of online activism and claims that it is not “real” activism. He asserts that activism, in order to be considered ‘real,’ requires the developed trust from face to face interactions to lead people to risk arrest or assault and to confront socially engrained norms and practices. Gladwell emphasizes that online activism merely increases participation by lessening “the level of motivation that participation requires (Gladwell, New Yorker).” This means that signing online petitions or sending donations via funding websites or through PayPal accounts do not count as real activism since it does not entail sacrifice or risk.

Borge, Cardenal, and Malipica (2012) echo Gladwell’s sentiments and argue that skilled internet users need not be motivated or interested in politics to participate in at least one online political activity (qtd in Jones 2). In fact, the term ‘slacktivism’ was first used in 1995 by Fred Clark and is used to refer to bottom up activities by young people to affect society on a small personal scale used and is used in a more negative sense to belittle activities that do not express a full–blown political commitment (“The Internet and slacktivism”). Henry Christensen adds that slacktivism can take the form of wearing political messages in various forms on your body or vehicle, joining Facebook groups, or taking part in short–term boycotts such as “Buy Nothing Day” or “Earth Hour” (“Political Activities on the Internet: Slacktivism or Political Participation by Other Means?”). These acts of slacktivism support Gladwell’s argument that “real” activism needs to occur in the physical world and requires the trust from face-to-face interactions.

Conclusion

The purpose of this literature review was to view how online and offline activism are interconnected, how these are shown in the different social and political groups, and how these groups make use of the internet and its countless functions to mobilize public demonstrations. This review has also highlighted the the gravity of the world wide web in creating a safe space for struggling persons who are unable to be physically present in street protests. This review also revealed that there have been debates on the motivations of the actors – claiming that the focus of these organizations has shifted towards gaining the media’s attention; questions regarding the “realness” of online activism has been have been discovered as well – claiming that “real activism” entails the risk and sacrifice of arrest and violence.