Haiti: Foreign Policy 

Introduction

Few people, including Canadians, know that Haiti is Canada's largest aid commitment in the Americas, and second only to Afghanistan. According to Michaud (2001), Haiti is often referred to as a perpetual ‘failed state’ characterized by coup d'états, contentious elections, food riots, and, more recently, a devastating earthquake. Even before the earthquake, much of Haiti's population suffered from a lack of food access. The average cost of living for any Haitian resident is slightly closer to that of Canada, yet Haitian residents employed in the manufacturing sector face difficult conditions. The role played by the Canadian government in its international relation with Haiti is a matter of concern and is subject to debate as it requires a clear analysis of historical data to obtain a proper conclusion about the role the Canadian government played in Haiti. Therefore, this paper seeks to ascertain the impacts of Canadian foreign policy on Haiti’s government.

Historical Context and Canadian Involvement

The Canadian government began its role in Haiti through the provision of security and stability via the CIDA agencies, the RCMP, and other international bodies such as the United Nations. However, Canada's intentions seemed to diverge from these actions. In 2004, the United States, together with Canada and France, played a role in ousting the elected president of Haiti, Jean Bertrand Aristide. This action overturned an entire government that was elected by the people.

According to historical records, six years after the assisted Haiti coup, Haiti remained occupied by the UN police and a military force best known by the acronym MINUSTAH. The former president ousted during the coup lives in exile in South Africa, and the administration of Haiti remains in tatters. The Canadian response to the Haiti earthquake added over ten thousand troops to the country, further exacerbating the country's woes.

The Role of Canada in Haiti's Political Landscape

Few Canadians know of the role played by Canada in Haiti, and even fewer know the remarkable role the Canadian administration has played on Haitian soil. Haiti is the second oldest republic in the Western Hemisphere. It was once part of the French colony of Saint Dominique, a sugar plantation with many slaves. Historical records show that in 1791, the Haitian people began resisting, eventually achieving the only successful large-scale slave revolt in history (Michaud, 2001).

The Haitian independence struggle was deeply intertwined with the French Revolution. They adopted the principles of fraternity, equality, and liberty, demanding equal treatment for all, regardless of skin color. The delegates of Haiti presented these demands to the Republican assembly in France. The presence of a republic with free blacks sent shockwaves throughout the Americas. The very existence of Haiti set up a visible antagonistic relationship between the United States and its own large black slave population. The US Marines and Canadian troops occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934, setting up a difficult relationship that persists to this day.

Canadian Foreign Policy and Immigration

Canadian foreign policies regarding the Republic of Haiti date back to this historical period. There are numerous records of immigration from Haiti to Quebec that date back to the 1700s when both were part of the French Empire. The exchange slowed when France began losing its colonies in the New World during the mid-eighteenth century. These relations between Haiti and Canada grew again in the early twentieth century, but this time they were restricted to the French-speaking elites of the two nations. The French Canadians began a mission to replace the French and Belgian missionaries, who were dispersed by the world wars, in the Haiti Catholic community.

The wealthy people of Haiti began preferring to send their children to study in Quebec while also using it for their health and immigration purposes. The integration between the French-speaking immigrants and Canadian societies was well-established. In 1964, Dr. Monestime was elected as the first Black Canadian mayor after moving to the francophone community of Mattawa.

Shifts in Immigration Patterns

The pattern of immigration changed in the 1970s and 80s to include poorer Haitians. The Creole-speaking Haitians fled the Duvalier dictatorship. The Canadian government has persisted in treating Haitians as French-speaking individuals through their documentation, even though the majority of Haitians speak Haitian Creole. A visible exception to this rule was in education. French-speaking teachers realized they required French as their second language.

Immigration provided a long-standing relationship between Haiti and Canada, resulting in Haiti becoming the first Latin American and Caribbean country where an official policy and relations were made. Most of the Haitian population today lives in Quebec. In 2004, the visible results of this shift were seen when French, U.S., and Canadian troops removed President Aristide from office. The planning for his removal took place in Ottawa, under Prime Minister Jean Chrétien and his Liberal government. They later installed an unelected government led by Gérard Latortue from 2004 to 2006.

The Latortue Government and Canadian Complicity

The Latortue government, installed with the aid of the Canadian government, cracked down vigorously on the already poverty-stricken population of Haiti. They concentrated their efforts on the Cité Soleil and Bel Air slums in Port-au-Prince, resulting in thousands of deaths. Canada's response was silent support, as they secretly knew they were partly responsible. In November 2004, the Prime Minister of Canada, Paul Martin, paid his first visit to Haiti and appointed Michaëlle Jean, who was born in Haiti, as Canada’s Governor General.

Instead of condemning the coup regime, the Canadian government supported efforts by the local self-established government to tarnish the ousted government (Michaud, 2001). An egregious case involved funds channeled by CIDA to support the National Coalition for Haiti Rights (NCHR) in producing a report intended to accuse the ousted government of massacre actions in the region of St. Marc. Although the NCHR was unable to produce any evidence to hold the government liable, they eventually accused the ousted government of barbaric acts.

Conclusion

This report has since been used by the Canadian government as legal grounds to harass and detain former members of the Aristide government. Recently, Phares Pierre was fired from Canada's immigration and refugee board. Others accused in the alleged incident, like Ronald Dauphin, remained imprisoned without proper trial, even after the penitentiary was destroyed by an earthquake. All these allegations were part of a concerted effort to ensure that the Canadian government eradicated all potential threats to the non-legitimate government.

In conclusion, the question arises: is Canada really helping Haiti? Throughout all this, the efforts displayed by the Canadian government are seen as being beneficial to Haiti and the Haitians. However, correct and accurate evidence of good acts by the Canadian government is very scarce. According to McKenna (2012), aid in Haiti is largely dominated by non-governmental organizations and faith-related organizations, which are usually dominated by non-Haitians. These organizations pay international-level wages rather than Haitian ones, preventing funds from having a viable investment in Haitian soil and existing institutions. As for government-led projects, some Canadian-based orphanages were built by donations from individual members of the Canadian police department. Through all this, every interested individual sees that Haiti needs help. However, that help must be incorporated with a historical understanding of Haiti’s history and the recognition of the poor majority of the Haitian population. The poor have received negative sidelining from the elites of Haiti and their international backers.