Hunter Gatherer Societies: General Conditions that Make Them a Particular Kind of Society

Introduction

The practice of hunting and gathering has been labeled in human history as the first and most successful adaptation of humankind. This type of subsistence lifestyle has been recorded since early human history, as humans discovered that they could sustain themselves and their families from the bounty of nature by collecting wild plants and hunting wild animals. Throughout history, people realized that they could be more successful by connecting with other hunter-gatherers, forming societies that have obviously led to variations of this type of society, with specific social, economic structures, morals, beliefs, and many more aspects related to hunter gatherer society, all of which will be discussed in this essay. These characteristics will be supported by examples of existing societies of this type.

Characteristics of Hunter Gatherer Societies

The first characteristic to be discussed is the social, economic, and political structures within hunter-gatherer societies. All hunter-gatherer societies tend to exhibit an egalitarian ethos, a result of the fact that they are primarily nomadic. The exceptions among these societies are the sedentary type. If a hunter-gatherer society is settled, social structures and most characteristics depend on different factors, unlike the nomadic type, which is the topic of this essay.

These types of societies do not tend to have leaders; instead, depending on the task being performed, any person can take the initiative at any point in time. A characteristic noted in most studied hunter-gatherer societies is the sexual division of labor. Women tend to gather wild plants, while men focus on hunting animals. Even though they perform separate tasks, both sexes help each other out in their respective tasks, and there is a sense of gratitude for each other's actions.

A popular example of a hunter-gatherer society is the Hadza tribe, an indigenous group of people located in north-central Tanzania. This tribe is organized into bands, or camps, with 20 to 30 members. Members of one band are not necessarily related; there is a mixture of people, a result of the fact that they can choose who they want to be in a band with.

However, the number of members in these camps can increase during berry season. Food is shared among all the camp's members, and child care and sharing daily tasks like construction, maintenance of living spaces, and transportation of goods are common responsibilities among the Hadza people.

Differentiating from the above-mentioned tribe are the !Kung people, who are found on the western edge of the Kalahari desert, in northern Namibia, and southern Angola. Kinship is the main principle of organization in this tribe. However, it is highly unlikely that groups have a chieftain or a single person in power. They do have a certain sense of leadership, though they are not dependent on it. Furthermore, there is virtually no cohesion between groups, and traditions and customs seem to be replaced by impulse and habit.

Highly characteristic of this tribe is the expression of individualism, to the point that personal interest comes before the good of the community. Individuals showing bravery, endurance, agility, and other similar qualities become the unofficial group leaders.

Another noteworthy characteristic among hunter-gatherer tribes is the Mbuti people, located in the Congo region of Africa. The highest level of social organization is a band. Each family has their own hut, which they construct themselves, and these are temporary structures. Similar to the previously mentioned societies, the Mbuti people have no formal leaders, but leadership may emerge during hunting treks. These leaders, possessing greater hunting skills than others, get to eat more meat than the rest. Both sexes have equal power, and everyone engages in conversation with everyone, regardless of sex.

While somewhat similar in social and political structures, these tribes have different marriage customs. The Hadza people are primarily monogamous, though it is not socially enforced. One of the core values they look for in a partner, whom they choose, is being a hard worker. They also consider physical features such as symmetry, a sexually dimorphic voice pitch, and average characteristics within the range of the opposite sex they are interested in.

Among the !Kung people, however, marriage is viewed as an alliance between groups. When a young girl matures into a woman, she is considered ready for marriage. Within their culture, the emphasis is on the union itself rather than the choice of a specific man. However, they do have certain specifications, such as the man not being significantly older than the woman, being unmarried rather than divorced, being skilled at hunting, and being prepared to take on responsibilities within his wife’s family. The last specification stems from the fact that the wife’s family relies heavily on the husband’s family for trade.

Furthermore, in the Mbuti tribe, the most prevalent form of marriage is female kin exchange. Bride wealth is not necessarily customary, and there is no formal marriage ceremony. Two individuals are deemed married once the male presents an antelope to the female’s family, which he has hunted down and killed. Sexual intercourse between two unmarried individuals is regarded differently than that between a married couple, owing to the belief that children should only be conceived within marriage.

Another crucial distinction among these tribes lies in the way they hunt animals and gather wild plants, each with its own distinct rules and even rituals.

The Mbuti pygmies are renowned for primarily hunting the giant forest hog, the largest wild pig in Africa. However, the meat from this animal is not consumed but rather traded between the pygmies and the agriculturalist Bantu groups. Hog meat is considered 'kweri,' signifying that it is a malevolent animal that could cause illnesses. Another reason is unofficial reports indicating that the giant forest hog preys on children.

Moreover, they hunt other non-kweri animals for meat, while the plants they gather include bananas, root plants, palms, legumes, yams, beans, and, during certain seasons, wild honey.

The pygmies typically employ traps, nets, bows, and arrows for hunting. Importantly, both sexes participate in hunting and gathering, demonstrating an equal division of labor.

The !Kung people demonstrate precision in their hunting approach, meticulously tracking, attacking, and trailing wounded animals. A distinctive ritual among this tribe prevents arrogance among male hunters. When a hunter successfully kills an animal, he leaves the carcass behind and returns, feigning failure. The following day, a group of hunters will inspect their traps, inevitably discovering the dead animal.

However, the credit for the kill does not go to the hunter who physically killed the prey, but rather to the person who crafted the arrows used in the hunt. The individual who follows the established rules for distributing the meat from the hunt is typically the one who fashioned the arrows, often a village elder.

As a tribe that values community well-being, village elders distribute food among the members. If a successful hunt results in a surplus of food, it may even be shared with other tribes.

Among the Hadza tribe, men generally hunt individually, while women tend to forage in groups. Nevertheless, exceptions exist. During the wet season, their diet primarily consists of honey, fruit, and occasionally meat. In contrast, the dry season sees meat become the main component, as prey congregates around water sources. In such scenarios, men often pair up, awaiting nightfall to attempt to kill wild animals using bows and arrows coated in poison.

Members of this tribe are highly skilled and adaptable hunters who can readily adjust their diet based on the season. Most men do not rely on hunting dogs but instead employ weapons such as axes, bows, poisoned arrows, and knives. Women, on the other hand, utilize digging sticks, grass baskets for carrying plants, and fabric pouches for carrying items.

Childbirth holds great significance among the !Kung people. Women in this tribe enter womanhood, marked by their first menstruation cycle around the age of 16.5. They typically give birth to their first child by the age of 19 and have their final child in their late 30s. A distinguishing trait of this tribe is that women give birth without assistance, relying on Mother Earth as their midwife. They tend to distance themselves from the tribe, walking roughly a mile away from camp. The umbilical cord remains uncut, and the placenta is placed next to the child, serving as a guardian of sorts.

Even though it is a rare occurrence, if a woman's childbirth is delayed, the older women of the tribe will seek to assist her. Women tend to nurture their child for 3 to 5 years before becoming pregnant again once the previous child is at least 5 years old. This system makes it easier to travel long distances on foot.

A distinctive aspect of the pygmy tribe is the mythology related to the forest. The pygmies regard the forest as their mother or father, the provider, and the great protector. One of the most important rituals within their culture, said to have the greatest impact on their lives, is the molimo. This ritual is celebrated loudly to awaken the forest, as they believe that if any misfortune befalls their children, the forest must be slumbering. The timing of this ritual is not fixed; rather, it depends more on the mood of the band.

The instrument used for this ritual is also called the molimo, a trumpet. It is typically crafted from bamboo, although the use of metal drainpipes is also an option. When not in use, the molimo is stored in the forest trees.

Conclusion

In modern times, the territory of the Hadza tribe has been shrinking due to encroachment by neighboring tribes. Parts of their land are within private hunting grounds where they are confined to specific areas and prohibited from hunting. Despite becoming a tourist attraction, a lesser-known fact is that the money provided to them has contributed to increased rates of alcoholism, alcohol poisoning, and even death.

Similarly to the Hadza, the pygmies are also under threat. They lack legal protection from the Democratic Republic of Congo, and their territorial boundaries are not well defined. Due to the depletion of natural resources in the Congo, including deforestation, gold mining, external influences, and efforts to preserve the forests, their food supply is significantly threatened.

In contrast to the current conditions of the Hadza, the population of the !Kung people has increased, accompanied by a growth in the number of cattle. However, their water sources have become contaminated, leading to a higher prevalence of diseases. The influence of European settlers has resulted in reduced mobility for the !Kung people, as these settlers introduced wage-paid labor.

These tribes have been selected because they all exhibit characteristics of hunter-gatherer societies, yet they still vary significantly. While there are fundamental traits that define a hunter-gatherer society, these tribes differ in various aspects. They diverge in terms of social structure, concepts of leadership, and approaches to childbirth rituals, mythology, legends, hunting practices, plant gathering, and related rituals.

References

1. Gellner, E. 1988, Plough, sword and book: the structure of human history, Collins Harvill.
2. Sahlins, M. 1974, Stone age economics, Tavistock.
3. Turnbull, C.M. 1961, The forest people, Simon & Schuster.
4. Woodburn, J. 1970, Hunters and gatherers : the material culture of the nomadic Hadza, British Museum.