Investigation of Studies to Analyse Maori Extinction

The 2018 moa extinction case study combines archived oral records, chronological dating, and bird archaeological data to uncover human perception of megafaunal extinction events in Aotearoa. Wehi, Cox, Roa, and Whaanga analyse whakataukī or Māori ancestral sayings that provide glimpses into the island’s early extinction events, specifically the moa. They compile, revise, translate, and interpret 3421 archived records of whakataukī, and separate 657 that directly refer to extinct species. They then perform a quantitative analysis of linguistic markers to determine the timing and evolution of the manuscripts using structural cues, vocabulary identifications, historical contexts and embedded references to ancestor names, events, and genealogies. Subsequently, they assign each faunal whakataukī to one of five time periods: before AD 1350 (pre-dating Māori settlement of New Zealand), 1350-1500 (the early New Zealand settlement period), 1500-1650 (rapid settlement expansion), 1650-1800 (intertribal fighting and initial European contact) and post-1800 (the period following European contact). Lastly, the study compiles scientific data, including the prevalence of bird species across New Zealand archaeological sites and their mean weights, and compares it to the total word occurrence for each species in the whakataukī faunal information. The main strength of using scientific bird data is that it provides the contextual framework of information, and the oral evidence supplements this framework by providing more details from the perspectives real people.

The collaboration of oral tradition and archaeological data demonstrates the ecological significance of moa in a thorough Māori historical narrative. The results display that moa are highly represented in the archaeological records, comprising 4.6% of all faunal whakataukī, and 9.8% of all whakataukī that specifically mention birds. The graphed data shows that the frequency of moa whakataukī disproportionally peaks towards the time periods 1350-1500 and post-1800, with main focuses of ecological knowledge, food preparation, and concerns about extinction. These peaks, along with the frequency and content of whakataukī moa display that the Māori closely observed the fauna and natural environment, and demonstrate that the extinction of this keystone fauna is vital in shaping ecological and behavioural thought. During the social upheaval that follows European colonisation in the early to mid-nineteenth century, nearly all evidence following 1800 connects the moa disappearance to another imminent crisis- the impending Māori extinction. Wehi explains that the connection between the fifteenth-century loss of moa and the threat of Māori biological and cultural extinction emphasises the impact of moa on the “cultural psyche of Māori.” Communities recognised the exploitation of important animal resources and even understood it as an archetypal metaphor for annihilation on a greater scale. In essence, the whakataukī dataset transitions from simple observations in the early settlement period to an awareness of causal agency in later periods (AD 1500-1800) following the potential development of traditional knowledge, resource management practices, and conservation rules. The whakataukī evidence emphasises that indigenous peoples are not utterly passive in environmental history, but rather interact with the environment in ways that affect the species present as well as the development of cultural values, ideas, and practices.

From analyzing the combined data, it is clear that the moa’s existence and extinction had great significance. Wehi remarks that “similar linguistic analysis of other indigenous oral traditions globally could illuminate the development of socio-ecological worldviews and conservation learning in other cultures, at least where extinction events are relatively recent.” Furthermore, she states that the whakataukī data provides evidence of the “links between biological and cultural diversity.” Indeed, this case study illustrates that oral traditions provide an invaluable vision of the thoughts and responses of all communities that lived through large megafaunal extinctions. The tsunami case study combines scientific knowledge and active oral collaboration to shed light on Māori ancestral experience with past geological catastrophes on Rangitoto (D’Urville Island). Stratigraphic signatures, inundation deposits, and broad radiocarbon measurements support that at least four major tsunamis took place during the prehistoric period in New Zealand (McFadgen, 2007). King, Shaw, Meihana and Goff compile active voices to corroborate or dismiss evidence from The Rival Wizards, an ancient folktale recounting a catastrophic tsunami in Aotearoa. The legend serves as a revenge storyline between three ‘wizard-chiefs’, Rongomai, Titipa, and Te Pou which ends in three great waves. The story narrates descriptive details of the impact of the waves striking and scouring the beach, including various contextual information about the relationships and connections between people, place and the metaphysical world.

The researchers conduct interviews with 20 people from Māori kin groups Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia (all of whom share linkages with Karepa Te Whetu, places, and ancestral figures named in the story) to affirm the inclusion of tsunami narratives within the pūrākau. Subsequently, King, Shaw, Meihana, and Goff identify ideas, words, and the frequency of their use in a “content analysis”, then complete a “thematic analysis” on the principal elements emerging from the data. The oral evidence is sorted and then cross-checked for the integrity of new ideas and interpretations through follow-up discussions. The study compiles recorded evidence discussing the construction, key elements and purposes of The Rival Wizards narrative. King asserts that these methods of extracting oral tradition are a means of “reconnecting the individual to major movements and catastrophic events that shape human history.” This collaborative evidence is an essential bridge between facts of the past and the personal and dynamic experiences of individuals.

The Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia oral accounts depict a deep familiarity with elements of the Rival Wizards story. This awareness includes knowledge of past tsunami impacts on, and surrounding, the island of Rangitoto. The researchers assert that “dialogue may not have included familiarity with the specific story itself, but ancestral relationships are confirmed between the informants of both active Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia Māori groups with the original informant of the tale, Karepa Te Whetu and the leading protagonists.” Many other aspects of the legend are also proven to be deeply rooted in the enduring knowledge of Māori histories across the northern South Island. It is clear that ancestral and kinship linkages to people and places (i.e. whakapapa) are central to the construction and ongoing retelling of Maori histories. Stewart Roberts provides an additional explanation for this oral tradition and its significance, and asserts that “Whakapapa is used in storytelling as a construct for mapping the natural world and its phenomena, thereby acting as a mental map of places. Further, Maori knowledge is stored layer by layer, referencing sites, ancestors and the actions of protagonists as memory cues to retain vitally important information”. The specific layering of contextual detail in the Rival Wizards story affirms these connections and relationships between the natural and metaphysical worlds, including the narrative structures critical to cultural endurance and memory. In addition to these connections, the evidence shows that these oral histories from Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia provide strong collective evidence for pre-written tsunami inundation on Rangitoto Island and the neighbouring coast. King, Shaw, Meihana, and Goff assert that above all, this research demonstrates the power and dynamics of the Rival Wizards story, along with Maori oral tradition as a whole, integrating elements of culture, identity, lineage, history and environmental risk. The work alongside key informants from the Maori kin groups confirm Maori ancestral experience with past tsunamis, on, and surrounding, Rangitoto (D’Urville Island). While the research essentially did not draw any firm conclusions about a specific location for the occurrence of past “catastrophic waves”, it is evident that Maori oral histories are highly contextual and purposeful, comprising multiple layers of meaning and experience.

This case study goes to show that the combination of scientific evidence and oral interpretations contribute a diverse set of anecdotal perspectives. My interpretation of history is limited because I grew up in America, learning history from a narrow perspective skewed by an over-emphasis on the experiences of white people. Throughout my education, I was taught history as a set narrative, valuing the strength of democracy and components of the American constitution above all else. This method assumes there is a uniform collective story when every narrative is not a collection of facts deemed official, but rather many different collections of evidence with conflicting analyses. The oral component of research is equally detrimental to enriching fields and shedding light on larger issues and themes that may appear removed from larger historical narratives. As Ngāpuhi leader Sir James Henare expressed, “Ko te reo te mauri o te mana Maori (the language is the core life force of the Maori people),” and indeed, oral tradition gives life to the voices and experiences of individuals, many of whom might otherwise have been forgotten by history. In essence, oral traditions are imperative as a means of maintaining diverse, multifaceted perspectives of historical narratives. This global perception, giving voice to the stories of others, is something that I wish I had encountered more of in the American schooling system. However, oral traditions have limitations as well. They are accounts are recorded as a broad sketch of a memory of experiences, with the potential of leaving out small details, and providing a broad sketch. Further, it is likely that only the most profound memories stand out and will be recorded, providing less reliability because of the potential to exaggerate details. As Mikaere says, this presents the issue of how knowledge is constructed and legitimised, and whether a meaningful transfer of knowledge between different histories can occur when removed from the cultural context. Robert Mikaere argued that the outcomes of early research on Maori, or rather, the inaccurate recordings and imaginary portrayals of narratives rendered oral histories as “fantasy” and resulted in “epistemological disarray”. However, this could reflect the limited capability of non-Maori to understand and accept the nature of Matauranga Maori. The challenge is to understand that narratives embedded within indigenous knowledge systems provide more than alternative sources of information or even alternative perspectives. Wehi explains “Ancestral sayings (whakataukī) provide an enduring record of tribal memory and represent an important method for transmitting critical information about aspects of life and society. Nonetheless, their meanings may not be apparent without knowing the historical, cultural and linguistic context out of which they emerged. Such codified knowledge depends on language use and structure as a key mechanism for cultural transmission. Nature of the recording can influence the accuracy of the information.” In essence, these issues can be addressed by acknowledging potential biases, and approaching research with unbiased methods. While necessary, archaeology is a dry scientific record of extinction events confined to a narrow context and a limited understanding. It is essential in providing the basis of facts, knowledge and patterns of change, but ultimately a static snapshot depicting historical artefacts as they exist at one point in time.

In both studies described, conventional scientific methods set the factual groundwork, but the oral tradition such as the whakatauki passed down by Maori or the collaborative storytelling provide the real glimpses into human thoughts and behaviour. Oral traditions allow historians to view past narratives in incredibly personal ways, with complex questions about who we are as individuals and how we fit into the world. Incorporating oral testimonies into research allows historians to illustrate information and connect people’s dynamic experiences. Ultimately, the value of combining archaeological and oral history is that it enables learners to grapple with the magnitude of historical events, but to do so through the eyes of real people.