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This essay will address the conception of vulnerable adults being protected. A case study will be implemented and analyses and evaluations, definitions and signs and indices of abuse will be given to readers. Policies that underpin the role of health practitioners in recognising and responding to violence will also be discussed, as well as identifying and analysing factors that inhibit and help partnership work in protecting vulnerable adults. According to the NHS Kings College Hospital, safeguarding is defined as defending the health and well-being of people and the rights of the human being to guarantee that they live free of any damage, negligence and abuse.
Those most in need of security include adults and young individuals, such as those who receive care at home, individuals with physical, sensory and mental disabilities, and individuals with learning disabilities.
Over the past century, adult protection has become a main focus of England’s domestic policy and social job practices. This is largely concerned about the extent of abuse of vulnerable adults, especially elderly people and adults with learning disabilities (Cambridge et al., 2010). Despite latest domestic research understanding of the nature of the abuse of the elderly and efficient reactions to adult protection by local authorities continues restricted.
Adult protection policies and processes in England and locally in Kent and Medway constitute a risk management scheme perpetrated against vulnerable individuals, sometimes referred to as safeguarding in the UK context. Although there is no particular legislation for the protection of adults in England and Wales, the Department of Health (2000) supplied advice to departments of social service2 in the policy document No Secrets published in 2000. Its primary objective was to guarantee that local agencies*specifically but not exclusively social services, health officials, and police* work together to safeguard vulnerable adults against violence. A key aspect of this exercise was the creation and execution of multi-agency policies and processes, including a solid adult privacy information collection and management scheme (Association of Social Services Directors (ADSS, 2005). A study by Action on Elder Abuse (2006), commissioned by the Department of Health, discovered
broad variety in the practice of local authorities, echoing prior suggestions of the Select Committee for the creation of a domestic standardized scheme for gathering and recording adult information. A latest analysis of’ No Secrets’ found that while in some fields and some organizations the guidelines had been accepted, execution was slow and inconsistent. Nevertheless, it was helpful that it had not led to the growth of an efficient universal scheme to prevent, recognize and respond to problems of adult safety. It acknowledged that a fully integrated safeguard framework can only be created by placing it on a legal basis, as is the case in Scotland (Scottish Government, 2007). A ‘Vetting and Barring Scheme’ supports Adult Protection Policy, which seeks to avoid inappropriate individuals working with kids or vulnerable adults. National reactions to elder abuse and mistreatment differ widely throughout Europe; they are at various phases of formulation and execution. However, policymakers are commonly acknowledged that more attention needs to be given to the abuse of the elderly within and outside the care scheme. Strengthening the basis of proof would make a significant contribution to enhancing policy and practical reactions.
Several global sources provide estimates of the incidence and prevalence of elder abuse. In the USA, Canada and Europe, randomized community-based epidemiological surveys reported annual levels of between 2% and 4%. A latest representative study in the UK proposed that 2.6% of individuals aged 66 or over in the society have been’ mistreated’ over the previous year by a family member, friend or care worker, rising to 4% if neighbors and acquaintances are included; this mirrors evidence from previous work. Evidence also indicates that 1.1% of elderly individuals are overlooked, 0.7% experience economic abuse, 0.4% psychological abuse, 0.4% physical abuse and 0.25% sexual abuse, with a prior research identifying as victims of physical or economic abuse up to 2% of elderly individuals. Recent World Health Organization proof indicates that every year four million elderly people in Europe experience violence or maltreatment.
Policy defines a vulnerable adult as an individual who is ‘unable to take care of himself or herself due to mental or other impairment, age or disease, or unable to safeguard him or herself from harm or exploitation. However, vulnerability is commonly regarded as a product of a circumstance or connection as it is an individual’s feature per se. Elder abuse is described as ‘a single or repeated act or absence of suitable action in any relationship where there is a trust expectation that causes damage or distress to the elderly’. Abuse can take many forms, including physical, sexual, psychological, economic, discrimination and constant negligence, and can occur in both formal care and in community and family environments.
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