Analysis of The Article ‘girls, Consumption Space and The Contradictions of Hanging Out in The City’ by Mary E. Thomas

Introduction

These days, shopping malls are considered one of the major recreational spaces for teenage girls where they can spend time with friends, socialize, and enjoy leisure time, as well as shop. In this essay, I will reflect and discuss my observations from visiting Scarborough Town Centre in light of reading the article, “Girls, Consumption Space and the Contradictions of Hanging Out in the City” by Mary E. Thomas (2005).

Shopping Malls as Social Spaces

Thomas (2005) argues that shopping malls offer young people a comfortable public place to hang around with friends, meet new people, and have fun. The author suggests, “This important contribution shows that malls are central aspects of young people’s lives, and often represent what the authors suggest are examples of youth’s mainstream goals. They argue that shopping malls can provide a haven for inner-city youth yearning to escape deteriorating neighborhoods that are rife with crime and poverty, and that malls present youth with spaces of safety.” During my visit to the mall, I observed such a tendency when I noticed that most of the shoppers were teenagers or young people. A large number of them were simply roaming around the shops, hanging out, and having fun without the intention of buying anything. During the summer, at the end of the semester, students prefer to meet friends in a comfortable public space, roam around, and later have snacks or coffee. For this purpose, they choose shopping malls since these provide a free, safe place for them to hang out unhesitatingly and have food in the food court. This helps reduce exam stress, allowing them to relax and prepare for the next hectic semester. These malls offer them a secure place where they can share their stories, problems, or concerns about their personal lives with their friends and peers without being exposed to the scorching sun and protected from crime and unwanted disturbing strangers.

Influence of City Officials

Thomas (2005) points out that young people’s behavior in public spaces is highly influenced by city officials such as the police. The writer indicates, “Tyquasia also claims that police and business owner intervention ensures that spaces under their jurisdiction are accessible if they are being used in ways that are determined by them.” I observed the presence of security guards and CCTV cameras almost in every corner of the mall, constantly monitoring people to prevent potential hazards, crime, or damage. This place is primarily determined to be used for shopping and as a public meeting place, with security guards and police officers appointed to ensure that. They walk and check for potential crime or danger and prohibit people from doing something offensive, such as disturbing someone, smoking, or stealing. They also don’t allow homeless or unwanted individuals in the mall. Thus, they control the way this specific place should be used and prohibit any other use that isn’t intended by them.

Racial Identity and Public Spaces

Thomas (2005) argues that the racial identity of teenage girls affects their ability to hang out with friends in a public place without interactions with city officials. The author describes, “... tensions between youth and city officials, namely police, in turn, contribute to the production of racial meaning and identity for girls.” I didn't notice such racial discrimination when observing the activities of security guards and police officers in the mall. I observed a large number of young girls from various ethnicities and races freely roaming around the shops, hanging out with friends in the seating area or food court. The security guards only encountered individuals who were doing something offensive or violating the laws, not selecting anyone solely based on skin color prejudice.

Representation and Racial Identity

The author states that young girls become aware of their racial identities through their interactions and experiences at public places. Thomas (2005) argues, “The social-racial identities of these two girls (black & white) are both produced through public space and hanging out, but through very different practices and spatialities.” I surprisingly noticed this difference when I found out that most of the girl mannequins at H&M represent white teenage girls. This discrimination can greatly influence teenage girls’ social-racial identities and affect how they perceive skin color. A white teenage girl may think that her skin color is normal and acceptable since it is the norm showcased in most store mannequins. In contrast, a black girl might feel that she is not part of the norm, that her skin color is not acceptable, and this could create a negative impression about her skin color in her subconscious mind. Although both girls use the same consumer public space and process to hang out, they have different interactions with the place because of the biased representation of skin color, which can remarkably impact their racial identity.

Resistance and Space Modification

The scholar states, “Their stories do point to their struggles to find and create space to hang out, and indeed, the girls often resisted adult control by reworking space to better suit their social needs and desires” (Thomas, 2005). During my visit to the mall, I observed a great number of young people hanging out in the seating area or food court with their friends, enjoying a relaxed and joyful time. They were not busy purchasing essential commodities or having snacks at the food court but rather using the place for leisure activities or as a recreational area. Most parents are anxious about their children roaming around streets or unsafe places where they could get injured or involved in unwanted activities. They want their children to be under surveillance or adult guidance. This is where the mall plays a significant role. Usually, in a mall, there are always some security guards, CCTV cameras, and many adult shoppers. Parents feel safe about their children going there, and teenagers are also cheerful, being able to hang out freely without the risk of danger or interaction with unwanted strangers. Thus, they modify these places, making them suitable for interaction with friends and peers, escaping from parental or adult control, and fulfilling their needs and desires.

Commercial Interests

In the article, Thomas (2005) indicates, “Businesses recognize the added profit that is possible when youth collectively identify their site for hanging out; they introduce entrance fees to benefit from youth’s lack of other opportunities for gathering.” I did not observe such entrance fees being applied to teenage girls in the mall. Entering a mall does not require any payment regardless of age, race, or gender. Anyone can enter freely without any cost. Instead, modern shopping malls use various techniques to attract young consumers and encourage them to purchase merchandise. This benefits businesses since most shops target teenagers as customers. Shopping complexes offer many amenities besides products and encourage shoppers to roam around different shops, hang out with friends at coffee shops or food corners, and purchase whatever they like. This freedom encourages them to visit the mall more often and choose it as their most preferred hangout place.

Conclusion

From the above discussion, it is evident that the introduction of shopping malls in every nook and corner, especially in cities, plays a significant role in teenage girls’ lives by offering them a safe public place to enjoy their spare time with friends, meet new people, shop, and have snacks. This dynamic of malls as social spaces is deeply intertwined with issues of security, racial identity, and commercial interests, shaping the experiences of teenage girls in complex ways.

References:

• Thomas, M. E. (2005). Girls, consumption space and the contradictions of hanging out in the city. Social & Cultural Geography, 6(4), 587-605.