World Women Leaders: Sexism on The Path to Power

Since ancient times, women leaders have led mighty empires as hereditary monarchs. However, it was not until 1960 when the first appointed female head of state, Sirivamo Bandaranaike from Sri Lanka ascended to office as head of state. In 1974, following the death of the Argentinian President, Juan Peron, Isabel Peron was secretly sworn in as the next president . She became the first female leader to hold an executive position in history. Ever since it has become a regular thing for more and more women to be appointed and elected as rulers of their countries. As of August 2017, Seventeen women were serving in influential positions. Women have been selected or designated as head of states in powerful nations such as India, UK, Chile, and Germany. These female prime ministers and presidents have had an active command of vast populations, respect for their people, robust economies, and nuclear weapons. Even as the number of female leaders continues to grow, the list remains relatively short, and even those who manage to rise to power serve for a limited time. Something deters females from assuming executive political positions, yet there a few like Benazir Bhutto and Ellen Sirleaf who made it. Political careers, contexts of instability, political structures, familial ties and oppositional politics have gendered implications for women politicians to ascend to power .

Women leaders assume power through strong familial ties to former national rulers. Normally, these women come from influential families (patriarch). They are always in cultural environments where politics is a family a fair, family and kinship are the basis of political identity, as well as the family, as opposed to the person, is powerful. Females learn how to perform as political leaders through observing the conduct of their parents and from being exposed to politics at a tender age. The passing of power between the generations is facilitated through political socialization. Also, people develop trust and support when they come from recognizable families. Women leaders with strong familial ties have their accomplishments in office ascribed to the men in their family background. Also, rising to power following a traditional gender role make them less threatening to the gendering of politics as a masculine area. Gender affects the manner women from political dynasties rise to power and the way they are perceived as political rulers.

Women who after getting married to a martyr leader enter office are deemed less threatening to the current political system and are seen as substitutes for their counterparts. These females follow in the footsteps of their husbands during the campaign and demonstrate themselves as a progression of his excellent leadership. They act on behalf and are expected to have the same political stands and views with those of their husbands. Women are more appealing and appropriate "heirs" than male relatives because they seem not to challenge the status quo and are natural substitutes of their husbands, not driven by their personal interests. They assume few powerful positions because they stand in for a short period and are controlled by men out of sight of the general public. However, Piper Hodson claims that females have to deal with family ties before they can assume leadership. Only politicians who can properly utilize a widow's "inheritance" such as name recognition, symbolism, and patrician status turn out to be rulers .

Men also enter powerful offices by being part of political dynasties. Kiamba31 stresses the way political family dynasties are not limited to female succeeding their fathers or husbands. Being part of the four-generation political dynasty, Indira Gandhi’s son succeeded her . According to Jalalzai, women with familial ties ought not to be regarded as inexperienced in politics. She recognizes systems of political dynasties offer reasonable grounds for men especially in the same nations where women enter the office. However, she emphasizes that political regimes may be the only available option women become leaders in some states .

Women also enter the office through political climber path. By participating in a political party for quite some time, leaders build a name for themselves. Political climbers do not join politics with the intention of holding influential positions merely because they lack a precedent for women assuming the executive office. Instead, they usually assume executive positions after it has been requested or proposed by leaders of the party. At times, they are driven by division witnessed within the political parties. Also, party controversy or scandals offer golden opportunities for women to join politics. In these events, the leaders of various parties support women since they show a shift from past practices and a new, more ongoing political initiative.

Just like familial ties, political climbers have higher chances of being controlled by men or hold temporary positions in their parties. However, Adler claims that women leaders whose careers are related to that of their male counterparts are most probably to be seen as accountable for their accomplishments and success. Climbing through the political positions adds them credibility from their colleagues. Political climbers have high chances of entering executive positions in parliament instead of presidential orders which offers female leaders fewer top spots .

A female political activist or outsider rise to power through the support of an external set up. They manage these through oppositional politics or social movements. Rhode posits that such candidates attribute their qualifications for executive positions on their lack of experience. And due to her ignorant of dirty, corrupt politics and innocence, the “outsider” will eradicate these kinds of politics. Female leaders can employ this outsider to their benefit. They are interpreted as less likely to abuse power and untainted by corruption. Women who are political activists can signify a break from previous regimes in cases or party controversies or scandals. Also, female politicians afford an outsider status by just being women. This is for the reason that they challenge gendered assumptions regarding leaders.

Regional differences and political instability are some of the country-level factors influencing women's path to offices. The political structure, culture, and climate in specific areas may offer viable grounds for women to rise to power. Substantial political rights might be the main reason behind the increased women participation in European politics countries as opposed to other regions. Hoogensen and Solheim, draw to attention, however, that women assume offices in areas where the general status of women seems to be low . They argue that women in European countries have different reasons for joining politics compared to developing nations. No single woman ruler in Europe has ascended to power through family ties .

In Asia, where there is the highest number of women assuming offices, women are socialized to lead due to the cultural significance of female's mighty ranks as religious icons and in families. Weird stereotypes depicting women as goddesses and mother figures can have both a positive and negative impact for women leaders in these countries. In Latin America, women assume offices by siding with their political parties on matters that oppose traditional rights of women. In certain African regions, conflict offers political opportunities to women. Women in the Middle East and Africa face oppressions that relate to their regions because of religions, cultures, and economies that dominate the politics of the regions . Even though Oceania portrays a diverse range of institutional and cultural networks, women have been successful ascending to power in New Zealand and Australia due to strong women activist networks .

Women also ascend to power in times of political instability or crisis . Poor transition of leadership affords reasonable grounds for female rulers who receive support from voters who are against the current political system. Good examples of leaders who assumed office through this channel include Ellen Johnson Sir leaf, Lydia Guiler, Violeta Cheroma and Sylvie Kinigi . In times of crisis, women are considered appealing to party leaders because of the stereotypes that tend to believe women will build consensus, bridge the differences and collaborate both between and within political parties. Because women do not show up much in national politics, they represent both reform and progress that affords credibility to a party aiming to part with its previous times of political instability.

Women political leaders are driven by various factors to pursue politics. To begin with political and gender socialization, women learn dispositions, skills, and convictions from their childhood age that prepare them to top ranks. Parents act as their influential role models by fostering a sense of patriotism, an interest in public affairs and commitment to community involvement. Margret Thatcher is such one leader who rose to power through this means. Lessons on gender equality and inequality also motivate both men and women to engage in politics. Interests in specific public policies motivate women to run the office. Some are taught by their parents how to pursue the same political and professional ambitions as men. On the other hand, men are likely to be inspired by professional enthusiasm. Today, many women political leaders have obtained higher education suggesting that educational attainment might contribute to women holding top positions in increasing numbers. Recruitment and access to social networks compel women to join politics. Although Ellen Sirleaf began her government carrier by her initiative, she benefited a lot from political recruitment and social connections in her entire career .

An examination of the autobiographies of world women political rulers reveals the manner in which women encounter problems that impact their political journey. Even female who manage to be prime ministers and presidents face gendered processes that create challenges to their prosperity. Institutional structures encompass informal networks and antagonistic interactions that insist on team boundaries along gendered territories. Traditional and cultural expectations of women to be committed spouses and mothers make constituents and peers to question their professional capabilities. These show the way political ranks are gendered, and thus women must always guard their right to assume the office. Politicians are required to put ahead politics over other responsibilities such as the family that easily aligns with cultural schemas within the reach of men. Prejudiced media representations relate to gender stereotypes of politicians . They add to the production of gendered identities by showing variations between women and men during the political era. More so, gender interacts with other social positions showing the way political orders are both gendered and embedded with class, race, and expectations concerning physical ability, age, and religion. Acknowledging how political orders are gendered point out the many restrictions and obstacles women should successfully go through to ascend to powerful political positions .

In conclusion, female political leaders hold a weak rank as political activists or outsiders where they should continuously re-defend their qualifications to engage in the political order. However, the prosperity of these leaders means that females do and can threaten the interactional processes that favor manhood over women's libber. These females restate leadership through the portrayal of their attributes in manners that support cultural ideas of supreme masculinity while at the same time stressing cultural ideologies of femininity that communicate new leadership approaches.